Thanks to Isaias, if we are to call a spade a spade, one can confidently argue that independence has been so aberrant it brought more misery to the people of Eritrea than the previous eras. The sweet smell of the revolution overpowered our rationale and tricked our imaginations.
By Mesfin Dawit
Eritrea, which gained independence after 30 years of gruelling armed struggle (1961-1991), has been involved in numerous conflicts in the Horn of Africa region since independence. The wars with Ethiopia and clashes with Yemen, Djibouti and Sudan, are cases in point.
The disturbing fact is the bloody armed struggle that was waged to liberate Eritrea (1961-1991) was conducted to preclude further bloodshed for future generations after the country gained independence. But in reality, rather perplexingly, Eritrea was thrown into successive and costly regional conflicts.
Thanks to Isaias, if we are to call a spade a spade, one can confidently argue that independence has been so aberrant it brought more misery to the people of Eritrea than the previous eras. Why?
The simple answer is Eritreans have not managed to realise their dreams due to the fact that they have been denied the opportunity to control their own destiny as a people.
Isaias Afwerki, the leader who usurped power, and has remained in power for the last three decades, has been at the centre of all the upheavals.
At this point, what comes to mind is the perennial set of questions outsiders often ask about Eritrea. It is no surprise that they find it hard to believe that one man could disrupt the lives of 4-5 million people for such a long time without having to face throngs of justice seeking fellow freedom fighters.
They ask about why the tens of thousands of veteran freedom fighters, who fought alongside him for decades, have not taken any corrective measures in bringing the country in line with its people’s aspirations. Why are those former trench-mates, who are still around him, looking away or cannot prevent the suffering of Eritreans day in and day out? How did they allow themselves to hand him over the reins of power at first place? Why did they allow him to systematically, and sometimes brutally, freeze them out of existence?
The questions are indeed many. The answers they provide, far from the epicentre, and of course after-the-fact, are also many. What is the point of railing against his wickedness now? These retrospective ‘analyses’ are not helpful, are they?
What is strange is the fact that we Eritreans are just beginning to realise the hollow aspects of the armed struggle now. Perhaps we were caught on edge; and as young people often do we flew off the handle at the slightest patriotic manoeuvres. The sweet smell of the revolution overpowered our rationale and tricked our imaginations.
Although the armed struggle was fought in our name, it pains many of us to admit that it had very little to do with us and our dreams. One daresay that the revolution was secretly driven by one man who dominated his close comrades. They, rather credulously, enabled him to realise his dreams. Yes, looking back, one could read the signs were clearly written on his faction’s manifesto – ‘nHnan Elamanan’ (Our struggle and us) … depicted as a choreography of his secret party plans. Let’s say for now that we were in a trance, a state of altered consciousness then, weren’t we?
What is confounding is the fact that many of his enablers are scared stiff to confront this home-grown dictator whom they nurtured and who, in return, denied them their rights to elect a leader fit for Eritrea. Others are just burying their heads in the sand to hide from danger – living comfortably as refugees abroad. And in the process Eritreans are simply being made to bear the brunt of the reckless adventures of the leader who simply took over.
The Pied Pier
One can say, in all conscience, what transpired in Eritrea is hard to describe to an outsider. Perhaps it is easier to use a character from folkelaw to describe the leader who has taken control of the position of power.
The closest character that resembles Isaias Afwerki in folklore-speak could be the Pied Piper. Symbolically, the Pied Piper represents a charismatic, but in actual fact manipulative and scheming, leader who does not bat an eyelid while meting out false promises. The pied piper metaphor is ascribed to someone who attracts a gullible following (like the PFDJ crowd) through deceptions.
Why are Eritreans ex-freedom fighters getting cold feet in confronting their demons? Are they too browbeaten to stand up for their rights? Or are they too embarrassed to emerge as ‘Johnny come latelies’ now? The have the duty and responsibility to fix the Eritrea project that went pear-shaped on their time.
Come rain or shine, Eritreans have been unscrupulously manipulated to hand over funds and provide boundless services to a government they did not elect, and one that continues to use underhanded tactics to stay in power. Such government tactics involve guilt-tripping, emotional blackmail, gas-lighting, lying, or sheer arm-twisting, all aimed at emasculating the public.
As the country suffered severely in all facets of its existence, it lost tens of thousands of its youth in those unnecessary conflicts. What is worse, due to sustained government abuses, the number of runaway youth has surpassed those who fell on the battlefields of Eritrea.
The liberation of Eritrea, which cost the lives of more than 65,000 freedom fighters, was expected to warrant peace and prosperity for the coming generations. But on the contrary, Eritreans are experiencing utter upheavals as they are domineered over while they are suppressed and kept in the dark in every aspect of their lives.
Isaias Afeworki, the cagey unelected leader, whose operations are shrouded in secrecy, has successfully introduced a culture of systematic fraud which has made Eritreans subservient to his institutionalised authority. He and his clique continue to work from ‘behind the scenes’ to keep everyone at sea.
Since the Badme War of 1998, Eritrea suffered isolation and remained stuck in a state of no-war-no-peace which further eroded its fragile economy. However, that very state (of no-war-no-peace) was of vital importance to the president; it enabled him to justify the suspension of normal laws and the imposition of his rule as he continued to expand his powers.
Practically, essential political affairs were left in limbo. For instance, the regime argued that the state of no-war-no-peace, which lasted for twenty years, did not allow national elections to be held while the soldiers were still ‘mobilised to defend the country’. Really?
In 2018, when peace with Ethiopia was finally ushered in, Eritrea, instead of normalising relations with Ethiopia, it deliberately walked away from it because, in order to keep everyone in line, it needed to keep the TPLF (Tigrayans) as an enemy figure. In other words, the regime needed to portray the TPLF as a bogeyman, an evil figure that is used to scare Eritreans into behaving in a way that is consistent with the regime’s thinking. So out went the peace agreement. But his followers bought that preposterous reasoning and started to echo it.
The president’s obsession in crushing the TPLF got the better of him as he, after abandoning the peace agreement, plunged the country right into the Ethiopian civil war.
According to many ‘analysts’, once again, relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia have deteriorated so bad there are fears of another round of conflict.
Over the past two years, as the fluidity of the Ethiopian civil war increased, Eritrea could not resist interfering in the geopolitics of the region. Isaias, after being ignored by the regions’ players, he is often observed to glance from side to side as he searches for cracks in the region through which to encroach himself on other countries’ domestic affairs. Those encroachments do presumably make him feel relevant in the region.
Although Eritrea’s strongman lacks both the capacity and credibility to play the role of ‘king-maker’ in the Horn of Africa, his comportment indicates as if he is holding all the cards. Consequently, he allows himself to be duped into playing reckless politics that further abates his role and importance. And credulous Eritreans suffer more as he enters his whimsical escapades.
Apparently, Isaias is still infuriated by the fact that the Tigray war was ended without his ‘approval’, so to speak. It is to be remembered that cessation of hostilities was reached between the TPLF and the Federal government of Ethiopia via the Pretoria Agreement (2022), which excluded Isaias altogether. His focus has now shifted to other clashes that are taking place in the Amhara region since then.
Of greater concern, however, is the tension between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Some analysts say both countries are heading on a collision course. Although the leaders of both countries say there is no need for war, statements exchanged by Addis Ababa and Asmara through their state media suggest that the situation is escalating.
To be continued …
pictures by Koert Lindijer, 1986